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Second, my administration will equip Americans to succeed in the global economy—with a foreign policy for the middle class.
To win the competition for the future against China or anyone else, the United States must sharpen its innovative edge and unite the economic might of democracies around the world to counter abusive economic practices and reduce inequality.
Economic security is national security. That will require enormous investments in our infrastructure —broadband, highways, rail, the energy grid, smart cities—and in education.
I will make investment in research and development a cornerstone of my presidency, so that the United States is leading the charge in innovation.
There is no reason we should be falling behind China or anyone else when it comes to clean energy, quantum computing, artificial intelligence, 5G , high-speed rail, or the race to end cancer as we know it.
We have the greatest research universities in the world. We have a strong tradition of the rule of law. And most important, we have an extraordinary population of workers and innovators who have never let our country down.
A foreign policy for the middle class will also work to make sure the rules of the international economy are not rigged against the United States—because when American businesses compete on a fair playing field, they win.
I believe in fair trade. We need to be able to build the very best in the United States and sell the very best around the world.
That means taking down trade barriers that penalize Americans and resisting a dangerous global slide toward protectionism.
The wrong thing to do is to put our heads in the sand and say no more trade deals. Countries will trade with or without the United States.
The question is, Who writes the rules that govern trade? Who will make sure they protect workers, the environment, transparency, and middle-class wages?
The United States, not China, should be leading that effort. As president, I will not enter into any new trade agreements until we have invested in Americans and equipped them to succeed in the global economy.
And I will not negotiate new deals without having labor and environmental leaders at the table in a meaningful way and without including strong enforcement provisions to hold our partners to the deals they sign.
China represents a special challenge. I have spent many hours with its leaders, and I understand what we are up against.
China is playing the long game by extending its global reach, promoting its own political model, and investing in the technologies of the future. The United States does need to get tough with China.
If China has its way, it will keep robbing the United States and American companies of their technology and intellectual property. It will also keep using subsidies to give its state-owned enterprises an unfair advantage—and a leg up on dominating the technologies and industries of the future.
The most effective way to meet that challenge is to build a united front of U. When we join together with fellow democracies, our strength more than doubles.
That gives us substantial leverage to shape the rules of the road on everything from the environment to labor, trade, technology, and transparency, so they continue to reflect democratic interests and values.
The Biden foreign policy agenda will place the United States back at the head of the table, in a position to work with its allies and partners to mobilize collective action on global threats.
The world does not organize itself. For 70 years, the United States, under Democratic and Republican presidents, played a leading role in writing the rules, forging the agreements, and animating the institutions that guide relations among nations and advance collective security and prosperity— until Trump.
American leadership is not infallible; we have made missteps and mistakes. Too often, we have relied solely on the might of our military instead of drawing on our full array of strengths.
I will never hesitate to protect the American people, including, when necessary, by using force. As its neighbors intervene to remake the region along sectarian or Islamist lines, Egypt has in this respect emerged as perhaps the most prominent status quo player in the Middle East.
Egypt has neither resolved its longstanding tensions with Iran nor restored full diplomatic relations. It has simply refused to be drawn into regional conflict.
When these principles are in direct conflict, anti-Islamism still trumps all other considerations. It has also produced an abrasive suspicion, opportunistically stoked by some Egyptian officials, that outside powers seek not just to sway Egypt but to dominate or destabilize it.
This view, prevalent among the Egyptian people and the governing elite though Sisi has been more realistic , is a function of its size, past centrality, and cultural predominance within the Arab world.
These countries albeit to varying degrees are able to use their wealth, military power, and regional proxy networks to project power in ways that Egypt simply cannot.
Geography means that Egypt has continued to play an important role in Libya and Gaza, but elsewhere Cairo has sought to turn its relative weakness into diplomatic currency—for instance by attaching itself to diplomatic initiatives and seeking a position as a broker between rival regional factions, as it did during the Lebanon crisis.
Egypt is unlikely to anchor a fourth major regional bloc alongside the Saudi-led revanchists, the Iranian hegemonists, and the Turkish-Qatari pro-Islamists, but a regional constituency may well exist for one.
Yet, while Egypt has been happy to cash foreign checks, it has often rejected foreign advice, whether from Washington or Abu Dhabi. For one, rather than face continued pressure from the United States over human rights, Sisi has received an uncritical endorsement and Oval Office embrace from U.
Officials at consular posts may therefore have consular titles, but not be involved in traditional consular activities, and actually be responsible for trade, cultural, or other matters.
Consular officers, being nominally more distant from the politically sensitive aspects of diplomacy, can more easily render a wide range of services to private citizens, enterprises, et cetera.
They may be more numerous since diplomatic missions are posted only in a nation's capital, while consular officials are stationed in various other cities as well.
However, it is not uncommon for individuals to be transferred from one hierarchy to the other, and for consular officials to serve in a capital carrying out strictly consular duties within the "consular section" of a diplomatic post, e.
Some countries routinely provide their embassy officials with consular commissions , including those without formal consular responsibilities, since a consular commission allows the individual to legalize documents, sign certain documents, and undertake certain other necessary functions.
Depending on the practice of the individual country, "consular services" may be limited to services provided for citizens or residents of the sending country, or extended to include, for example, visa services for nationals of the host country.
Sending nations may also designate incumbents of certain positions as holding consulary authority by virtue of their office, while lacking individual accreditation, immunity and inviolability.
A nation may also declare that its senior merchant sea captain in a given foreign port —or its merchant sea captains generally—has consulary authority for merchant seamen.
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Politics portal. Department of State Office of the Chief of Protocol, U. Meeks will succeed Rep. Engel was disliked by progressives for his pro-Israel stance and his opposition to the Obama-era Iran nuclear deal.
The caucus-wide secret ballot vote handed Meeks victory over Rep. Joaquin Castro D-Texas by votes to View Us on Flickr.
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